Backward Control in Ancient Greek - Subsumption or Linearization?

This article discusses control of adjunct participle clauses in New Testament Greek. I present data from two corpus studies which show that the phenomena cannot be dealt with in a subsumption approach to control. Instead I argue for a c-structure based approach to constraining control, retaining the classical equality at f-structure but imposing linearization constraints on the overt realization of the shared argument. I discuss the characteristics of adjunct participle control and how it differs from complement control, arguing that we might need different approaches to the two phenomena.